Monday, February 18, 2013


Cambodia’s green retreat [... that is slowly shrinking]


Top: Koh Kong remains rich in natural resources, beautiful waterfalls and mountain views. Bottom: Cambodian children at play are among the local villagers travellers will meet.
Tourists can enjoy the traditional style of living in a homestay lodge.
Guests can jump from their own private floating villa into a crystal-clear jungle river.
Jungle resorts in Koh Kong offer an authentic and welcome eco-tourism experience in a country where dredging and dam-building are wreaking havoc.

18 Feb 2013
Bangkok Post

With the tourist trail expanding across the key provinces of Cambodia, there is certainly a fair share of places from boutique hotels to high-end resorts for visitors to crash, but it is perhaps the eco-conscious options that are drawing the most attention from travellers.

Like Thailand 40 years ago, the rapid pace of new developments in the tourism sector has led some people to focus their attention on the remaining natural assets. A new class of visitors is hiking past the main attractions of Angkor Wat and Phnom Penh and toward little-seen frontiers yet to be touched by the mainstream. Koh Kong province is where many of them go.

The heart of the Cambodian jungle, Koh Kong is full of stunning wildlife and equally impressive waterfalls and rivers, all running through the beautiful Cardamom Mountains. Visitors can choose to either stay in town on the cheap or book resorts located in centre of it all, kayaking passed untouched mangroves, exploring the local fishing villages, or hiking nature trails in the tropical rainforest.

Others will choose yet to take a boat ride out to the pristine and virtually vacant beaches of Koh Kong Island or take to the rapids of O’bak Retes.


Koh Kong is undoubtedly filled with appeal for any nature enthusiast, but for all of its beauty the area is also the location of ongoing and rampant ecological crimes. Endless sand dredging threatens to collapse the river banks, while invasive construction on Chinese-funded hydropower dam projects has taken hold in the province. They are a sombre reminder to visitors that choosing to participate in ecological tourism is just as important as enjoying it.

The first step is choosing environmentally conscious accommodations. Luckily there are at least two.

4 RIVERS FLOATING LODGE

Located along the Tatai River, 4 Rivers Floating Lodge offers a quiet and relaxing experience with the jungle. Imagine jumping from your own private floating villa into one of the crystal-clear freshwater jungle rivers with little else than the towering trees and the sounds of the water and rich birdlife to keep you company.

With luxurious accommodations, you can grab a kayak or fishing rod and enjoy the calm current of the river. There are also guided tours to nearby mangroves and nightly boat rides to admire trees filled to the brim with fireflies. But that is only part of it.

In an effort to keep close ties with the local communities, the staff work hard to make sure they acquire as much of their food and supplies from local merchants. They also keep in constant contact with local authorities and conservationists to make sure that the area stays as pristine and untouched as possible.

“ [Conservation is] very important. We have guests who are really eco-nuts to the extreme, but it is not easy to teach the local people to not throw rubbish in the water,” said Anna Pawlik-Szocs, general manager of 4 Rivers Floating Lodge.

She and her husband opened the 12-tent resort in 2009 with a $2-million investment.

“Right now, we are trying to figure out how we can cut energy costs, so we are trying to build a floating structure to install solar panels, which need to be heavy and stable enough to float,” she said.

On the 4 Rivers floating village tour, you get a chance to meet local fishermen and their families, as well as see their community and purchase local crabs, which the resort’s staff will then prepare for you at supper.

But if seafood is not your first choice, then 4 Rivers prepares a lovely three-course menu each night with various healthy food choices featuring some great Khmer-fusion and western meals including caprice salad, prawns in Koh Kong sauce or a succulent steak with the always crowd-pleasing Kampot peppers.

RAINBOW LODGE

Another option also located on the Tatai is a fantastic eco-resort called Rainbow Lodge. Embedded in the heart of the jungle only a hundred metres from the river, these land-side bungalows are surrounded by jungle. Sit on your own private porch and swing from a hammock with a drink as the sun sets over the noisy and frenetic jungle.

With its own solar panels, the lodge generates its own electricity, and without refrigeration, the meals you eat are all natural and fresh with vegetables and meat bring brought in from the local towns.

“Because [the lodge is completely immersed] in nature is a definite plus point for visitors since there are lots of opportunities for doing adventurous activities, relaxing, and involvement with the local community. It is just a nice place where people can come to get away,” said Lois Woodward, a manager at Rainbow Lodge.

Perhaps the most appealing feature here is that aside from being completely entrenched in the jungle, there is not a television or internet connection in sight, leaving little to distract you from a natural experience. In the mornings, grab a fresh pot of coffee and mull over a menu of several adventures that range from overnight hikes in the jungle to having drinks in a longboat as the sun sets.

“I would also say it is pretty unique in that there are only two places with mountain ranges in Cambodia and Koh Kong is one of those places,” she said.

“The Cardamom Mountains is one of the largest surviving rainforests now, so communities are very reliant on nature here. People [coming here] are looking for something different to do and want to experience that natural environment.”

NatAss debate quashed by CPP-controlled MPs

Cheam Yeap (bottom), chairman of the National Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee, speaks while National Assembly President Heng Samrin presides over a meeting in Phnom Penh, Friday, Feb. 15, 2013. Photograph: Sen David/Phnom Penh Post

Parliamentary debate quashed

18 February 2013 
By Stuart White and Sen David 
The Phnom Penh Post


National Assembly President Heng Samrin shut down opposition members on Friday, abruptly cancelling a debate and calling to vote a draft law that opposition members say would have promised civil servants better compensation before being amended by the ruling party.

According to Sam Rainsy Party parliamentarian Son Chhay, the original draft of the law had laid out housing, travel and fuel benefits for civil servants with the aim of subsidising their relatively meagre salaries, but Friday’s bill – which passed 85 to 94 – had been heavily redacted, making no mention of the benefits.

When the opposition protested the changes on the floor, however, Samrin promptly cancelled the formal debate, saying that most members of parliament agreed on the law already, and that Chhay could not “comment more, because you comment a lot during debates”.


Chhay said yesterday that under parliamentary procedure, the two sides each offer a brief summary of their positions before the actual debate begins – something that never happened Friday.

“After we mounted [our] overall view on the law, the speaker decided to skip the real part of the debate and vote on the law, and everyone raised their hand,” said Chhay, noting that he had never seen a debate cancelled altogether before.

The decision to strip the legislative processes out of later additions, he added, was also troubling.

“The [ruling party] changed that article to say that the government will determine the civil servant payment through a sub-decree, so my concern is that the government is not really using the law,” he said. “They are using sub-decrees to replace existing law.”

Koul Panha, executive director of the election monitoring group Comfrel, said that for the opposition, the current term of the National Assembly had been “stricter and stricter compared to the previous term” due to the diminished presence of royalist parties, which used to mitigate the CPP’s influence.

However, Nguon Nhel, first deputy president of the assembly, defended Samrin’s decision, saying on Friday that the president has discretion to lead the debate as he sees fit, and that Son Chhay’s preliminary argument was “enough”.

EU pledges support to Cambodia’s general election in July

PHNOM PENH, Feb. 18 (Xinhua) — The European Union will support and cooperate with Cambodia in order to ensure a free and fair general election in Cambodia in July, Ambassador Jean-Francois Cautain, Head of EU Delegation to Cambodia, said on Monday.

Cautain made his remarks during a meeting with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen at the Peace Palace, Eang Sophallet, personal spokesman for the premier, told reporters after the meeting.

“Twenty-seven countries in the European Union will support and cooperate with Cambodia in organizing the forthcoming parliamentary election in order to ensure that the election will be free and fair,” Cautain was quoted by Eang Sophallet as saying to Hun Sen.

He did not say what ways of support the EU will provide to Cambodia for the election.


Cautain also hailed Cambodia for progressive steps in judicial reform through adopting several legal instruments including the Civil Code, the Penal Code and the Anti-Corruption Law; however, he said the country should expedite the passages of Law on Judges, Law on Lawyers and Law on Supreme Council of Judges.

Meanwhile, the premier said that the forthcoming election is held once in every five years and it is very important to push Cambodia towards development with democracy.

He also pledged to urge the passages of the above-mentioned laws as soon as possible.

Cambodia sets to hold a general election on July 28, the National Election Committee announced last month. Some 9.67 million Cambodians will be eligible to cast their ballots.

The Committee said that the election will cost about 21 million U.S. dollars, which is covered by the government.

In the last general election in 2008, the Cambodian People’s Party of Prime Minister Hun Sen won 90 seats in the National Assembly, followed by the Sam Rainsy Party with 26 seats, the Human Rights Party three seats, the Norodom Ranariddh Party two seats and the Funcinpec Party two seats.

សហគមន៍​មាន​ជម្លោះ​ដីបិទ​ច្រក​ចូល​ក្រសួង​យុត្តិធម៌​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​ដោះលែង​សកម្ម​ជន ​​

បោះពុម្ព
​
bkl-in-front-of-justice-ministry-khorn
ប្រជាសហគមន៍ដែលមានវិវាទដីធ្លីតវ៉ានៅមុខ​សាលាឧទ្ធរណ៍​ទាមទារឲ្យដោះលែង​អ្នក​ស្រី​ យ៉ោម បុប្ផា (រូបថត ញឹម សុខន)
"ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋគ្រាន់​តែ​ការ​​ពារ​ផ្ទះ ការ​ពារ​សិទ្ធិ​ខ្លួន​ឯង ត្រូវ​ជាប់​នៅ​ពន្ធ​នាគារ តើយុត្តិ​ធម៌​នៅ​ឯណា​សម្រាប់ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ សូម​ក្រសួងយុត្តិធម៌​ជួយ​រក​យុត្តិ​ធម៌​ឲ្យ​ប្រ​ជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ផង"។
ប្រជា​សហគមន៍​ដែល​មាន​ជម្លោះ​ដីធ្លី​ នៅរាជ​ធានី​ភ្នំពេញ ជិត​ ១០០​នាក់ នៅថ្ងៃ​ចន្ទនេះ ​បាន​នាំគ្នា​អង្គុយ​បិទ​ច្រ​កចេញចូល ​ក្រសួង​យុត្តិ​ធម៌ ​ជិត​ព្រះ​បរមរាជ​វាំង ​ដើម្បី​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​ស្ថាប័ន​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​ដោះលែង​សកម្ម​ជន​​ដី​ធ្លី​ គឺអ្នក​ស្រី យ៉ោម បុប្ផា ពីពន្ធ​នាគារ។
ការ​ជំរុញ​នេះបាន​ធ្វើឡើង ​បន្ទាប់​ពី​ទណ្ឌិ​តជាង ៤០០នាក់ រួម​ទាំង​បរទេស​ផង ត្រូវ​បាន​ក្រសួង​យុត្តិធម៌​ដោះលែង ​និង​លើកលែង​ទោស ក្នុង​​​ពិធី​​ថ្វាយ​ព្រះភ្លើង​ព្រះ​បរមរតន​កោដ្ឋ​ សម្តេច​សីហនុ នៅ​ដើម​​ខែ​កុម្ភៈ​​​នេះ។
​ក្រុម​អ្នក​តវ៉ា​ទាំង​នោះ ម​កពី​ស​ហគមន៍​​បឹង​កក់ អតីត​បុរីកីឡា ថ្ម​គោល។ ពួកគេ​មាន​កាន់​ផ្កា​ឈូក ពា​ក់រូប​សកម្មជន​ដីធ្លីនៅ​លើ​ក្បាល​គ្រប់ៗ​គ្នា​ និង​​លើក​​ពុទ្ធ​​រូប ​ស្រែក​តាម​ឧបករណ៍​​បំពង​​សំឡេង​​​​បែ​រ​ទៅរក​ក្រសួង​យុត្តិធម៌ ​ដោយ​​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​ក្រសួង​​នេះ ​អន្តរា​គមន៍​​​ដោះលែង​តំណាង​ពួកគេចេញ​ពីពន្ធនាគារ។
ស្តាប់សំឡេង៖​   
ក្រុម​អ្នក​តវ៉ា​អះអាង​ថា អ្នកស្រី យ៉ោម បុប្ផា សកម្មជន​ដីធ្លី​នៅតំបន់​បឹងកក់​ គ្រាន់តែ​ជា​សកម្មជន​ដីធ្លី ដែល​តស៊ូមតិ​ដោយ​សន្តិវិធី ប្រឆាំង​នឹង​ការ​បណ្តេញ​ចេញ​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​មិន​​គួណា​ដាក់​ទោស​គាត់​នោះទេ​ ៖ "ដោះលែង​អ្នក​ស្រី​យ៉ោម បុប្ផា​ ជាបន្ទាន់​ គាត់​គ្មាន​កំហុស​ទេ"។
តំណាង​អ្នកភូមិ​អ្នកស្រី ទេព វន្នី អះអាង នៅកន្លែង​តវ៉ាថា ការ​​គ្មា​ន​វត្តមាន​សកម្មជន​ដីធ្លី​នៅពេល​​លើក​លែង​ទោស ​ជា​ភស្តុ​តាង​មួយ​ទៀត​​បង្ហាញ​​ថា ប្រព័ន្ធ​​យុត្តិ​ធម៌​​នៅ​កម្ពុជា​​មិន​​ឯក​រាជ្យ​ ហើយ​មិន​គោរ​ព​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស និង​​សិទ្ធិ​រស់​នៅ​របស់​ពលរដ្ឋ​ ដែល​អ្នក​ស្រី​​ថា ផ្ទុយ​នឹង​អ្វី​ដែល​រដ្ឋា​ភិបាល ធ្លាប់​ផ្តល់ស​ច្ចាប័ន​ជាមួយ​អង្គការ​សហប្រជាជាតិ​ស្តី​ពីលិទ្ធិ​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ៖ "អ្នក​ទោស​ដែល​ប្លន់​ អ្នក​ទោស​ដែល​សម្លាប់​មនុស្ស អ្នក​ទោស​ដែល​ជួញ​គ្រឿង​ញៀន បែរ​ជា​មាន​ឱកាស ក្រសួង​យុត្តិ​ធម៌ លើក​លែង​ទោស​នៅ​​ពេល​បុណ្យ​​បូជា​សព​សម្តេ​ចឪ តែ​ចំពោះ​អ្នក​ស្រី​ យ៉ោម បុប្ផា គឺ​អត់​មាន គឺ​វា​អយុត្តិ​ធម៌​បំផុត​​ សម្រាប់​ពួក​ខ្ញុំទាំង​អស់​គ្នា​ដែល​ជា​ប្រ​ជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​រង​គ្រោះ ជា​ពិសេស​អយុត្តិ​ធម៌​បំផុត​ សម្រាប់​អ្នក​ស្រី​ យ៉ោម បុប្ផា​ ហ្នឹង​តែ​ម្តង"។
អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ​ក្រសួង​យុត្តិធម៌ លោក សំ ប្រជាមានិត មិន​ធ្វើអត្ថា​ធិប្បាយ​ជុំវិញ​ការលើក​ឡើង​របស់​ក្រុម​អ្នក​តវ៉ាទេ ​ដោយ​អះ​អាង​​ថា ​កំពុង​​ជាប់​រវល់។
អ្នកស្រី​ យ៉ោម បុប្ផា ត្រូវ​តុលាការ​កាត់​ឲ្យ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ ៣ឆ្នាំ ពីបទ​ប្រើ​ហិង្សា​ដោយ​ចេតនា។ មក​ដល់​ពេល​នេះ ​អ្នកស្រី​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​ជា​ង ៥ខែ​​ហើយ។
ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​នេះ ​ត្រូវ​បាន​សហគមន៍​ជាតិ និងអន្ត​រជាតិ​ចាត់​ទុកថា ជាការ​បំបាក់​ស្មារតី​សកម្មជន​ដីធ្លី និ​ងបំបិទ​សេរីភាព​បញ្ចេញ​​មតិ និង​អំពាវនាវ​ឲ្យមាន​ការ​ដោះលែង។
របាយការ​អង្គការ​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​ចំនួនពីរ​ គឺអង្គការលីកាដូ និងអាដហុក ចេញ​ផ្សាយ​នៅឆ្នាំ២​០១៣នេះ បង្ហាញថា ជម្លោះ​ដីធ្លី​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​​២០១២​នេះ ស្ថិត​​ក្នុង​​ស្ថាន​ភាព​​ធ្ងន់​ធ្ងរ បើទោះ​បី​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ធ្វើកំណែ​ទម្រង់​​​ដីធ្លី​ក៏ដោយ ​។ របាយ​​ការណ៍​បង្ហាញថា មានស​កម្ម​ជន ដីធ្លី ២៣២​នាក់ ត្រូវចាប់​ខ្លួន៣៨នាក់​ កំពុង​ជាប់ពន្ធនាគារ ​និង ៥០​នាក់​​កំពុង​រត់​គេច​ខ្លួន៕

Sunday, February 17, 2013


Land rights in Cambodia a hot issue, says report

A woman watches villagers harvesting cassava in Kratie province’s Chhlong district last month. The Casotim company, which is the beneficairy of a 15,000-hectare rubber concession in Chhlong district, is just one of many economic land concessionaires whose disputes with villagers sparked violence, in 2012. Photograph: Will Baxter/Phnom Penh Post
 
Last Updated on 15 February 2013
By Abby Seiff, May Titthara and Shane Worrell
The Phnom Penh Post

In May, the premier issued an unparalleled directive, declaring a moratorium on economic land concessions he deemed too much trouble, with too high a human cost. A month later came the announcement of a sweeping land-titling scheme intended to provide tenure to millions. By July, thousands of highly trained student volunteers were being dispatched to the countryside to help speed the titling process.
Ostensibly, all of this was aimed at stemming a rampant tide of land grabbing and disputes.
But the results have been negligible, suggests a report released yesterday by rights group Adhoc.
“The land situation is becoming critical. Citizens and communities are more aware of their rights and increasingly demand justice and accountability. Yet land is scarce and the authorities fail to uphold citizens’ rights. If the current problems are not addressed as a matter of priority, social stability may be at stake,” warns the annual land issues report.
Following a record year of concessions granted, 2012 saw a considerable slowing. Last year, 381,121 hectares were granted or reclassified compared with 751,882 hectares in 2011. But even as ELCs dip, disputes and problems persist.

“Violence and threats of violence are increasingly being used against community representatives as well as land and housing rights workers and activists,” notes the report, which recorded a 144 per cent increase in land rights-related arrests.
The mounting arrest record leads to a “chilling” effect, said senior Adhoc investigator Chan Soveth – who himself was subjected to a land-issue-related criminal charge that was dropped only last week.
“After they’re released, they don’t want to file a complaint against the illegal detention or against the threats by authorities,” said Soveth, adding that while arrests have sky-rocketed, charges have in fact dropped, suggesting a serious abuse of the pre-trial detention system.

Scant Protections
Increasingly drawn from wildlife sanctuaries and national parks, concessions threaten to devastate the last remaining protected areas. Of the 381,121 hectares of land granted last year, 71.5 per cent of it was pulled from protected areas, notes the report.
“Relatively fewer people seem to be affected [by ELCs this year],” pointed out Nicolas Agostini, a technical adviser at Adhoc focusing on land issues. “But I find it difficult to regard this as a victory, because the land is [now] coming from protected areas, which are disappearing fast.”
The granting of concessions in protected areas has created a knock-on effect, speeding along deforestation by incentivising illegal logging.
“One strategy that is frequently used by private companies is to clear forested land inside a protected area and then to get deforestation noted by the government, who re-classifies the land or cuts it off from the relevant protected area. Thus, instead of taking action to prevent further deterioration, the government endorses the acts of grabbers and rewards them,” notes the report.
Meanwhile, social land concessions have proliferated. In theory, SLCs are aimed at lessening poverty by providing land to the nation’s poorest. But in practice, the process by which they are granted is frequently rife with “corruption, mismanagement and nepotism”.
More than twice the number of hectares was granted as SLCs in 2012 as in 2011, and many of those 100,790 hectares have led to conflicts of their own. “Of 38 newly granted SLCs, 13 gave rise to conflicts,” notes the report.
“Today, there is concern that measures taken to implement the SLC policy could actually worsen the situation of vulnerable families, aggravating landlessness and fuelling land conflicts.”
A Land Management Ministry official expressed scepticism over such a conclusion.
“This is very funny,” responded Beng Hong Socheat Khemro. “The reason why the government initiated the SLCs is to help the landless and poor, to try and give land to those who do not have land or have inadequate land in the hopes that the issues created by landlessness will be minimised or cut down.
“It’s their right to comment [regarding corruption], but if you read through the sub-decree on SLCs... this is one of the most transparent processes,” he continued.
Asked about concession granting in protected areas, Socheat Khemro said that in his “personal observation, that had not been the case”, but referred further questions to the ministries of Environment and Agriculture, which are responsible for issuing concessions.
Director of national conservation and protection at the Ministry of Environment, Chay Sarith, said he was too busy to speak, while Thuk Kroeun Vutha, secretary of state at the same ministry said simply: “I don’t know,” before referring questions back to Sarith and hanging up. Multiple calls to officials at the Ministry of Agriculture over the past two days have gone unanswered.

Willing and able?
On the one hand, note rights workers, significant strides have been made under the new initiatives. Following the issuance of Directive 001, 71,220 titles had been delivered by the end of last year and 433,987 hectares measured.
“What the last year showed was that when there is political will, things can change,” said Adhoc’s Agostini. “The first step has been taken; now we call on the government to take the same steps for people in disputed areas, in informal settlements and for indigenous minorities.”
But as the granting of ELCs slows and, even, in some cases, are cut and awarded as titles to individuals, some question whether some of the initiatives are little more than hollow publicity campaigns.
In January, for instance, the government announced it had cut some 250,000 from 79 concessions, logging concessions, economic land concessions and wildlife sanctuary and national park land agreements and intended to return it as land to “poor people”.
Much of those concessions, however, were suspended more than a decade ago, rights group Licadho noted this week.
Logging concessions – comprising more than 30 of the 79 relevant sub-decrees, according to January 17’s Royal Book – “have been suspended since 2002 after pressure from the donors”, said director Naly Pilorge.
“For the government to claim it is ‘taking back’ land from the companies who operated these concessions that were suspended over a decade ago is disingenuous.”

លីកាដូ​៖ ស្ថានភាព​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​២០១២ នៅ​កម្ពុជា មាន​សភាព​អាប់អួរ​ខ្លាំង

រូបភាពស្តីពីពួកអាជ្ញាធរក្រុងភ្នំពេញប្រើហឹង្សាបណ្តេញបង្ខំប្រជាពរដ្ឋដើម្បីប្លន់ផ្ទះ និងដី ព្រមទាំងការទាមទាររកយុត្តិធម៌របស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋរងគ្រោះ។
(ថ្ងៃទី 16 កុម្ភៈ 2013, ម៉ោង 03:45:PM) | ដោយ: រតនា CEN
ភ្នំពេញ: ស្ថានភាព​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស នៅ​កម្ពុជា ក្នុង​ឆ្នាំ​២០១២ ត្រូវបាន​អង្គការ លីកាដូ លើកឡើងថា មាន​សភាព​អាប់អួរ​ខ្លាំង ជាពិសេស គឺ​ឆ្នាំ​២០១២ ជា​ឆ្នាំ ដែល​មាន​អំពើ​ហិង្សា​ខ្លាំង​បំផុត ក្នុងចំណោម​ឆ្នាំ ដែល​បាន​កត់ត្រា​លើ​ករណី នៃ​ការប្រើប្រាស់​កម្លាំង​អាវុធ​ខ្លាំងក្លា របស់​អាជ្ញាធរ មក​លើ​សកម្មជន​នានា និង​ជា​ឆ្នាំ ដែល​ស្ថិត​ក្នុង​ការពិនិត្យ​ឡើងវិញ​។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ​មន្ត្រីជាន់ខ្ពស់​រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល បានចាត់ទុក​របាយការណ៍​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស របស់​លីកាដូ ថា​ជា​រឿង​នយោបាយ ច្រើន​ជាង​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​។​


​របាយការណ៍​របស់​អង្គការ លីកាដូ ដែល​បាន​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ កាលពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៥ ខែ​កុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ​២០១៣ បង្ហាញថា នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​២០១២ មានការ​ស្លាប់​ចំនួន ៤ នាក់ ដែល​ទាក់ទង​នឹង​ជម្លោះ​ទៅលើ​ធនធាន​ធម្មជាតិ ការកើនឡើង​នូវ​ភាពភ័យខ្លាច និង​ការបំផិតបំភ័យ ព្រមទាំង​មាន​ការចាប់ខ្លួន​សកម្ម​ជន​មួយចំនួន​។

​ ករណី​តុលាការ​កាត់ទោស​លោក ម៉ម សូណង់ដូ ឃាតកម្ម​លើ​សកម្មជន​បរិស្ថាន លោក ឈុត វុទ្ធី អ្នកកាសែត​ដែល​ធ្វើការ​ទាក់ទង​នឹង​ការកាប់​ឈើ​ខុស​ច្បាប់​ម្នាក់ ត្រូវបាន​គេ​ធ្វើឃាត នៅ​ខេត្ត​រតនៈគិរី រួម​ទាំង​ករណី​លោក ឈូក បណ្ឌិត អតីត​អភិបាលក្រុង​បាវិត បាញ់រះ មកលើ​ក្រុមបាតុករ​រោងចក្រ​កាត់ដេរ ក៏​ត្រូវបាន​អង្គការ លីកាដូ កត់ត្រា ក្នុង​របាយការណ៍​រំលោភ​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស ប្រចាំឆ្នាំ​២០១២ ផងដែរ​។​
​យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ លោក​ទេសរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ឱម យ៉ិនទៀង ប្រធាន​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​កម្ពុជា របស់​រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា បាន​លើកឡើង​ថា វិធី​វាយ​តម្លៃ​របស់​អង្គការ លីកាដូ ជា​វិធី​មួយ​អត្តនោម័ត ផ្គាប់ចិត្ត​អ្នកណា​មួយ ដោយ​មើលរំលង​អំពី​សភាព​ការពិត​។

​លោក ឱម យ៉ិនទៀង បាន​ទទួលស្គាល់ថា “​យើង​នៅ​មាន​បញ្ហា​អំពី​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស ប៉ុន្តែ​បញ្ហា​ពិតប្រាកដ​របស់​យើង គេ​ច្រើន​តែ​មើលរំលង ឯ​បញ្ហា​អ្វី​ដែល​យើង​ធ្វើ​ល្អ បែរ​ជា​គេ​និយាយថា វា​នៅ​មាន​បញ្ហា​វិញ​។ តើ​គាត់​ធ្វើ​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​ដើម្បី​អ្វី​? ក្នុងពេល​ដែល​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ធ្វើក​កិច្ចការ​សិទ្ធមនុស្ស ដើម្បី​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា ក្នុង​ការរស់នៅ​កាន់តែ​ងាយស្រួល កាន់តែ​ល្អ​ឡើង​របស់​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា បែរ​ជា​គាត់​មិនបាន​ធ្វើ​កិច្ចការ​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស ដើម្បី​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា ហាក់ដូចជា​ធ្វើ​សម្រាប់​តែ​បុគ្គល​ណា​ម្នាក់​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​នោះ​ឯង​”​។​

​ ទាក់ទង​នឹង​ករណី​លោក ម៉ម សូណង់ដូ ត្រូវបាន​លោក​ទេសរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ឱម យ៉ិនទៀង បានបញ្ជាក់​ថា លោក​ជឿថា លោក ម៉ម សូណង់ដូ មាន​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​បទល្មើស​របស់​គាត់ បើ​គ្មាន​ទេ​តុលាការ មិន​អាច​ដាក់ទោស​គាត់​បានទេ​។ ការកាត់ទោស​លោក ម៉ម សូណង់ដូ មិនមែន​ជា​ការកាត់ទោស​បិទទ្វារ​ទេ គឺ​ការកាត់ទោស​បើកទ្វារ​ចំហរ​។

​ លោក ឱម យ៉ិនទៀង បាន​បន្តថា "​អ្នក​ដែល​រិះគន់​នោះ​មិន​ដែល​និយាយថា ខុស​មាត្រា​ណា​ទេ គឺ​គេ​និយាយ​ពី​ការខុស​ចិត្ត​របស់​គេ​ទៅវិញ​។ ប៉ុន្តែ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​សង្ឃឹម​ថា ករណី​នេះ​សាលាឧទ្ធរណ៍ នឹង​ពិនិត្យ​ល្អិតល្អន់​ថែមទៀត ពីព្រោះ​មាន​បី​ថ្នាក់ បើសិនជា​សាល​ដំបូង​ធ្វើការ​ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ យើង​គ្មាន​សិទ្ធិ​អ្វី​ទៅ​ត្រួតត្រា​លើ​ក្បាល​តុលាការ​បាន​ទេ​។ ប៉ុន្តែ​យើង​សង្ឃឹមថា នៅពេល​ដែល​ទៅ​ឧទ្ធរណ៍ យើង​ក៍​សំណូមពរ​សូម​ឲ្យ​ចៅក្រម នៅ​ឧទ្ធរណ៍ ពិនិត្យមើល​ថែមទៀត ពីព្រោះ​ថា​យើង​ក៍​ចង់ឲ្យ​គេ​ស្តាប់​សំឡេង​គ្រប់​ទិសទី មើល​ឯកសារ​ផ្ទៀងផ្ទាត់​ទាំង​យុត្តិធម៌​ច្បាប់ និង​យុត្តិធម៌ នៅក្នុង​សង្គម​ដើម្បី​ពិនិត្យ​ពិចារណា បើសិនជា​សាលាឧទ្ធរណ៍​ពិនិត្យ​ឃើញ​យ៉ាង​ដូចម្តេច​ទៀត ហើយ​បើសិនជា​មិន​សុខ​ទៀត គេ​អាច​បន្ត​ទៅ​កំពូល​ថែមទៀត​ដែរ​។ ហើយ​នឹង​សង្ឃឹមថា នៅ​កំពូល​ដែរ លោក​នឹង​ពិនិត្យ​ទាំង​ទិដ្ឋភាព​យុត្តិធម៌ នៃ​ច្បាប់ និង​យុត្តិធម៌​ក្នុងសង្គម ត្រូវមាន​ការថ្លឹងថ្លែង​ថា តើ​សង្គម​គេ​ចង់​បាន​យ៉ាង​ដូច្នេះ​ទៀត លើ​បញ្ហា​នេះ​"​។​

​លោក ឱម យ៉ិនទៀង បាន​បន្តទៀតថា “​រឿង​បញ្ហា​ដែល​គាត់​លើក​នេះ ខ្ញុំ​គិតថា វា​នយោបាយ ច្រើន​ជាង​សិទ្ធមនុស្ស​។ របាយការណ៍​គាត់​ហ្នឹង (​លីកាដូ​) ខ្សោយ អំពី​គោលបំណង​បម្រើ​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស វា​ទៅ​ជា​មានការ​ពោរពេញ​ទៅ​ដែរ អំពី​គោលបំណង​នយោបាយ​បម្រើ​អ្នកណា​ពិតេ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះឯង​”៕

2012 in Review: Use of Force Against Peaceful Protests

Union leader Rong Panha is beaten and taken away by police during a peaceful gathering on July 11, 2012.
The body of 14-year-old Heng Chantha, who was killed by government forces during a forced eviction in Kratie on May 16, 2012.

February 13, 2013
Source: http://www.licadho-cambodia.org/articles/20130213/134/index.html

As part of the lead up to the release of our report “Human Rights 2012: the Year in Review,” on February 18, LICADHO is publishing a four-part web series reviewing the key human rights of 2012. Daily installments will be published throughout the week, culminating with the publication of our report on February 18.

As the frequency of land grabs has grown, so has the sense of desperation for Cambodians faced with eviction. The perpetrators of land grabs – from business leaders to police to hired hands who carry out actual evictions – operate with near complete impunity. Recourse to the notoriously corrupt judiciary is not an option. For the average Cambodian, the only avenue that offers the prospect of success is civil disobedience, namely public protest and individual action.

The government has become increasingly aggressive in attempting to shut down this avenue as well, despite the fact the vast majority of citizen protests documented by LICADHO during 2012 have been peaceful. Violence is often the government’s tactic of choice.

On January 3, for example, a long-standing land dispute in Ratanakiri province between indigenous villagers in Ka Nat Thum and the Vietnamese Heng Brother Rubber Company ended with authorities firing on residents. On the day of the incident, the villagers had mobilized to halt the company from clearing the disputed land. After the local authorities announced that the company would suspend the land clearing, residents walked back towards their village. On their way, they passed a military police officer acting as guard for the rubber company. Thinking the villagers were staging a protest, the officer opened fire twice. The villagers reported the incident to the district governor, but no actions were taken to reprimand the violence.


Similarly, on January 18, military personal acting as security guards for TTY Co. Ltd opened fire on a group villagers who had gathered to prevent the clearing of their farmland in Kratie’s Snuol district. Four villagers were injured by bullets as the villagers were trying to stop the company’s bulldozers from destroying their cassava fields. None of the authorities present during the shooting proceeded to arrest the perpetrators. Four men – three security guards and a TTY’s general manager – were quietly tried in late December, and convicted of illegal use of firearms and intentional acts of violence with aggravating circumstances. Their sentences ranged from two to three years, though in each case the sentence was suspended between six months and a year.


In one of the most egregious incidents of reckless government violence, a 14-year-old girl was shot dead in Kratie Province’s Broma village on May 16 after hundreds of armed forces stormed her village. Two other villagers were injured. Authorities later sought to justify the excessive force by claiming that the operation was necessary to quell a plot by the villagers to secede from the state of Cambodia. While no one had heard of a secession taking place in the area prior to the lethal forced eviction, the villagers were involved in a well-publicized land dispute with the agri-business company Casotim. No one has been arrested for the killing as the authorities claim an investigation is not needed into this “accidental death.”

The escalating use of violence against citizens also resulted in a tragic loss for the environmental community in 2012. Chut Wutty, one of Cambodia’s most important environmental activists and director of the Natural Resource Protection Group, was shot dead while accompanying two Cambodia Daily journalists to investigate illegal logging in the Cardamom Mountains. A military police officer was also killed.

Authorities quickly determined that the dead MP shot Wutty, ensuring no one would be prosecuted for his death. They then offered no fewer than four explanations of the MP’s own death – including that he shot himself twice with his own AK-47 - while turning a blind eye to the logging crimes Wutty was investigating. The lack of a real investigation into Wutty’s killing has sent a chilling message to other environmental activists and NGO leaders.

Workers in Cambodia’s vital garment industry have also faced government violence in response to their calls for improved working conditions and increased wages. On February 20, over 1,000 workers from three factories in Svay Rieng’s Manhattan Special Economic Zone were protesting their working conditions when a gunman opened fire, injuring three young female workers. The shooter was allowed to flee, despite the presence of military police. He was later identified as a local district governor, Chhouk Bandith.

Bandith was later charged with causing “unintentional injury,” a ludicrous charge given that he fired numerous rounds of live ammunition into a crowd of 1,000 workers. He was never placed in pretrial detention, despite having admitted to the prosecutor that he fired his weapon. The charges against Bandith were finally dropped altogether in December.

During a major ASEAN summit in July, authorities unleashed an unprovoked beating on union leader Rong Panha, after he gathered with union workers in a public park to demand living wages. The workers were employed by Tai Yang Enterprises, which supplies international clothing giants Levi Strauss, Gap and Old Navy, among others.