Saturday, June 2, 2012

FREE THE 15! STOP THE VIOLENCE!

FREE THE 15! STOP THE VIOLENCE!

Please donate to help the 15 Boeung Kak Lake representatives jailed!

As reported by The Phnom Penh Post, in Prey Sar jail, “Food is inadequate both in terms of quantity and nutritional value. There are [also] health dangers related to . . . water, medical care, fresh air and space,” therefore our first goal is to send some money to the women and man jailed so that they may obtain adequate food in prison.
(Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)
Our second goal is to help the children of these women and man so that they may survive while one of their parents are in jail.

(Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)




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FREE THE 15! STOP THE VIOLENCE!

Boeung Kak children’s tearful plea | National news | The Phnom Penh Post - Cambodia's Newspaper of Record



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A young girl from the Boeung Kak lake community cries during a protest outside the Ministry of Justice in Phnom Penh yesterday. Protesters called for the release of 15 residents jailed last month. Photograph: Meng Kimlong/Phnom Penh Post
Children of imprisoned Boeung Kak lake women pleaded for their mothers’ release outside the Ministry of Justice yesterday.

The demonstration, which included more than 200 Boeung Kak residents and activist monk Loun Savath, was held on the eve of International Children’s Day.

It also coincided with more than 100 NGOs writing a letter to the World Bank asking it not to end its suspension of new loans to Cambodia.

Children sang about their mothers, 13 of whom were convicted to two and a half years in prison on May 24 after a three-hour trial, and called for the government to “free the 15”, who also include two who were arrested the day of the trial. All 15 are in Prey Sar prison.

Heng Sreyleak, 13, the daughter of Heng Mom, said the charges were “unjust”.

“All they were doing was protesting for the 12.44 hectares of land promised to them by . . . Hun Sen,” she said.

The World Bank suspended all new loans to Cambodia last year, indicating it would not issue more until the government reached an agreement with Boeung Kak villagers.

Hun Sen pledged 12.44 hectares of land to residents in August, but that land is yet to be marked and some families remain without titles.

Amid fears the World Bank is set to lift its suspension, 116 organisations sent an open letter to the bank’s president, Robert Zoellick, and president-elect Jim Yong Kim yesterday.

“Now is the wrong time to end the suspension,” the letter reads. “Doing so would not only risk undoing gains made, but would also send a dangerous message to the [government] in light of the spate of recent killings and unwarran-ted jailing of activists.”

Demonstrators yesterday delivered a petition to Bun Yai Narin, director of the Ministry of Justice’s cabinet. “I feel pity on them when I see their little children crying and asking for their mothers,” he said.

Activist monk Loun Savath, who was detained last Thursday and released after being “forced” to sign a document agreeing to stay away from protests, blessed the children.

He told the Post he was not worried about being detained.

“I worry about Cambodia. It is a dark situation right now relating to human rights,” Loun Savath said.
Boeung Kak children’s tearful plea | National news | The Phnom Penh Post - Cambodia's Newspaper of Record

Candle vigil for the release of BKL 15

All Photos by Tola


About 6pm today, at least 300 Beoung Kak families, children, friends, gathered in village 22 in BKL to sing freedom/land songs with lotus flowers, candles, signs & hats. Gathering started with 38 children and 15 parents/grandparents then lighting of candles on the sand to spell "FREE THE 15". They all sang, some of the lyrics of  these songs were written by Tep Vanny who is currently in CC2 prison (Prey Sar jail).

Happy Children's Day









Mother's Advices from Jail - Letter penned by jailed Boeung Kak Lake Women

Bayon Challenge kicks back | Sport | The Phnom Penh Post - Cambodia's Newspaper of Record

Bayon Challenge kicks back


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Bayon Wanderer’s Chhay (centre, white) takes on Hanoi Drink Team players during the 2010 Bayon Challenge at Old Stadium. Photograph: Photo Supplied
This weekend’s Bayon Challenge football tournament will avoid a repeat of last year’s last-minute team withdrawals with all six participating clubs, four from Vietnam and two from Cambodia, having confirmed their attendance at the annual competition.

Last year, the tournament was at the centre of controversy after a clash in booking with the Cambodian Rugby Federation caused it to be relocated from the usual venue of Phnom Penh’s Old Stadium to the 7NG field, the site of a violent eviction of 335 families from the Dey Krahorm community three years ago.

“When we heard that the Old Stadium had already been booked for the planned weekend, we were really down and completely surprised,” event organiser Billy Barnaart told the Post when asked about the 2011 event. “We realised that we had only one week to find another field.”

According to the 63-year-old, the organising committee was aware of the controversy surrounding the 7NG field but had its hands tied as no other facilities were available at such a late notice.

The organisers were subsequently forced to cancel the competition following the decision of two of the six teams to withdraw in objection to the controversial choice of venue.

Instead, a mini-tournament involving the remaining four teams was played over a Sunday afternoon at the Old Stadium, as opposed to the traditional two-day affair.

Adam Smith, captain of the Saigon Saints, one of the two teams which pulled out from last year’s tournament, said: “There is a lot of history in Cambodia that must be respected and this should be the case even when football is involved.

“The uncertainty of events due to the evictions, in addition to the disorganisation of our traveling squad, meant that we were unable to participate in last year’s tournament.”

The 7NG field, once popular amongst local football teams, closed its doors to the public six months ago. A two-metre high wall now enclosed one side of the grass pitch, which has been left unattended and without goalposts. The boundary nets, lights and majority of goalposts for the three adjacent concrete mini soccer courts have also been removed.

When asked whether the grounds were slated for further development, Nhem Vanny, senior sales executive for 7NG Group, said: “I am not sure what the plans are for the field now that it is closed, but it is the decision of the management and we are not able to comment any further.”

The 7NG Group had originally planned to build luxury apartments as well as offices and retail space on the site. However, with the lack of development other than a company building, a restaurant and an abandoned soccer field, observers have claimed that property speculation was the company’s sole reason for the project.

Meanwhile, the 2012 Bayon Challenge returns to its traditional venue of the Old Stadium. The competition, a regular fixture in the region’s amateur club sporting calendar and currently in its eleventh edition, will see some intense action with last year’s runners up Hanoi Drink Team, five-time Saigon International Football League champions Olympique de Saigon and local favourites Bayon Wanderers among the teams taking part.

Saigon Saints, the runners up in 2009, will also make a comeback to the competition together with relatively new sides Saigon Hotshots and Aspara Dancers.

However, last year’s champion, Ezecom, have decided to snub the chance of defending their title.

“I believe that this year’s tournament will be a success like the years before,” said Barnaart, who coaches both the Bayon Wanderers and the Aspara Dancers.

“The teams coming to Cambodia will be very competitive.”

Olympique de Saigon triumphed in the recent Bangkok Far East International Tournament, which was celebrating its historic 30th incarnation as the oldest in the region. Saigon Hotshots finished sixth in their first foray into international competition.

Phnom Penh-based Bayon Wanderers will be no pushover either, after tasting success over the past two years at events such as the Cambodian Country Club Tournament, the Charity Cup, the Phnom Penh Post mini-soccer league and, most recently, the K9 competition.

“I believe the Bayon Wanderers are the underdogs going into this tournament,” Barnaart added. “With all the individual talents in the team, it should be possible to take the title but only when these talents are willing to work with and for each other.”

For next year’s edition, the Bayon Challenge has received assurance from two teams, Swiss Club Singapore and Finexsys from Kuala Lumpur, of their participation.

“It would be good if other Cambodian teams can participate, as there is so much to learn from these tournaments,” Barnaart said.

“Cambodian is rich in football talent, though it is missing the infrastructure to support these talents. If these young talents can be discovered early, then professional teams can come in and take them to a higher level of playing.”

Sponsors for this year’s contest include EMAXX, Dan’s Meat, Tiger Beer (Cambodia Brewery Ltd.), Aussie Gourmet Bakery, Phoenix Security Services, FCC, the Phnom Penh Post and Royal Rattanak Hospital.

Games start at 8:30am tomorrow and on Sunday, with the grand final slated for a 5pm kick off on the final day. Entrance for spectators is free at Old Stadium.
Bayon Challenge kicks back | Sport | The Phnom Penh Post - Cambodia's Newspaper of Record

10,000 Days of Hun Sen - NYTimes.com


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“I not only weaken the opposition, I’m going to make them dead ... and if anyone is strong enough to try to hold a demonstration, I will beat all those dogs and put them in a cage.”

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No, this was not Muammar el-Qaddafi in his infamous “cockroach” speech in 2011, when he urged his supporters to go “house to house” to kill the opposition. The speaker was Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, responding with typically threatening language to the suggestion by a Cambodian critic that he should be worried about the overthrow of a dictator in Tunisia.
Often overlooked in discussions about the world’s most notorious autocrats, on Friday Hun Sen will join the “10,000 Club,” a group of strongmen who through politically motivated violence, control of the security forces, massive corruption and the tacit support of foreign powers have been able to remain in power for 10,000 days.
With the fall of dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, the ranks of the 10,000 Club have been depleted, making Hun Sen one of the 10 longest-serving political leaders in the world.
A former Khmer Rouge commander, Hun Sen has proven to be a highly intelligent and ruthless leader, able to keep his domestic opponents and international critics off balance. His main tactic has been the threat and use of force.
For example, when the then largest-ever United Nations peacekeeping force entered Cambodia to implement the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements, Hun Sen and his party mobilized the security forces to intimidate and attack opposition party members. More than 100 opposition party members were killed under the U.N.’s nose.
In March 1997 his personal bodyguard unit colluded in a grenade attack on a rally led by the opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, in which 16 people died and more than 150 were injured. Because an American citizen was wounded, the F.B.I. was sent to investigate. Its chief investigator concluded that the chain of command led to the prime minister.
Months later, fearful of losing the next election, Hun Sen staged a coup against his royalist coalition partners. Units under his command committed more than 100 extrajudicial killings. My U.N. colleagues and I dug up bodies of men stripped to their underwear, handcuffed, blindfolded and shot in the head. No one has ever been held accountable.
One of the most acute problems in Cambodia now is a massive land grab by Hun Sen’s cronies through what the government calls “economic land concessions.” This has led to widespread protests, but they carry severe risks.
In April, Chut Wutty, Cambodia’s best-known environmental activist, was gunned down while researching illegal timber sales. The government first claimed he died in a shootout, then that he had been killed by a soldier who had subsequently managed to commit suicide by shooting himself twice in the chest. Last week, 13 women protesting their forced eviction from prime real estate in Phnom Penh — sold by the government to a crony company and its Chinese partner — were whisked off to court and summarily sentenced to prison terms.
Widespread corruption is the subject that makes Cambodians most angry. Though Hun Sen has worked only for the Cambodian government since 1979, he appears to be fabulously wealthy. Ten years ago a U.S. State Department official told me the U.S. government estimated his personal wealth at $500 million. When I repeated this figure last year to a different U.S. official, he said, “Is that all?”
Today Hun Sen rules Cambodia with an iron fist, a fact that no Phnom Penh diplomat would dispute, but few confront. He has forced opposition leader Sam Rainsy into exile after orchestrating a prison sentence of 10 years for an act of nonviolent protest. The country goes through the trauma of manipulated elections every five years in which no one imagines that the vote will be free and fair or that an electoral defeat would result in Hun Sen leaving power.
In 1998, after government-manipulated elections, tens of thousands of protesters poured into Phnom Penh’s streets. In a Tahrir Square-style show of defiance, they set up a “Democracy Square” in a park and demanded a recount or new elections. Hun Sen ultimately sent in his shock troops and cleared the park. Western governments muttered their disapproval but did nothing. When Cambodians had their “Khmer Spring,” the world let them down.
At 59, Hun Sen is the youngest member of the 10,000 Club. He has said that he wants to rule until he is 80. After all the pious post-Arab Spring diplomatic talk about confronting dictatorships, Cambodians can be forgiven for asking why no one seems to be paying attention while Hun Sen begins work on his next 10,000 days.

10,000 Days of Hun Sen - NYTimes.com

10,000 Days of Hun Sen - NYTimes.com


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“I not only weaken the opposition, I’m going to make them dead ... and if anyone is strong enough to try to hold a demonstration, I will beat all those dogs and put them in a cage.”

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For Op-Ed, follow @nytopinion and to hear from the editorial page editor, Andrew Rosenthal, follow @andyrNYT.
No, this was not Muammar el-Qaddafi in his infamous “cockroach” speech in 2011, when he urged his supporters to go “house to house” to kill the opposition. The speaker was Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, responding with typically threatening language to the suggestion by a Cambodian critic that he should be worried about the overthrow of a dictator in Tunisia.
Often overlooked in discussions about the world’s most notorious autocrats, on Friday Hun Sen will join the “10,000 Club,” a group of strongmen who through politically motivated violence, control of the security forces, massive corruption and the tacit support of foreign powers have been able to remain in power for 10,000 days.
With the fall of dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, the ranks of the 10,000 Club have been depleted, making Hun Sen one of the 10 longest-serving political leaders in the world.
A former Khmer Rouge commander, Hun Sen has proven to be a highly intelligent and ruthless leader, able to keep his domestic opponents and international critics off balance. His main tactic has been the threat and use of force.
For example, when the then largest-ever United Nations peacekeeping force entered Cambodia to implement the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements, Hun Sen and his party mobilized the security forces to intimidate and attack opposition party members. More than 100 opposition party members were killed under the U.N.’s nose.
In March 1997 his personal bodyguard unit colluded in a grenade attack on a rally led by the opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, in which 16 people died and more than 150 were injured. Because an American citizen was wounded, the F.B.I. was sent to investigate. Its chief investigator concluded that the chain of command led to the prime minister.
Months later, fearful of losing the next election, Hun Sen staged a coup against his royalist coalition partners. Units under his command committed more than 100 extrajudicial killings. My U.N. colleagues and I dug up bodies of men stripped to their underwear, handcuffed, blindfolded and shot in the head. No one has ever been held accountable.
One of the most acute problems in Cambodia now is a massive land grab by Hun Sen’s cronies through what the government calls “economic land concessions.” This has led to widespread protests, but they carry severe risks.
In April, Chut Wutty, Cambodia’s best-known environmental activist, was gunned down while researching illegal timber sales. The government first claimed he died in a shootout, then that he had been killed by a soldier who had subsequently managed to commit suicide by shooting himself twice in the chest. Last week, 13 women protesting their forced eviction from prime real estate in Phnom Penh — sold by the government to a crony company and its Chinese partner — were whisked off to court and summarily sentenced to prison terms.
Widespread corruption is the subject that makes Cambodians most angry. Though Hun Sen has worked only for the Cambodian government since 1979, he appears to be fabulously wealthy. Ten years ago a U.S. State Department official told me the U.S. government estimated his personal wealth at $500 million. When I repeated this figure last year to a different U.S. official, he said, “Is that all?”
Today Hun Sen rules Cambodia with an iron fist, a fact that no Phnom Penh diplomat would dispute, but few confront. He has forced opposition leader Sam Rainsy into exile after orchestrating a prison sentence of 10 years for an act of nonviolent protest. The country goes through the trauma of manipulated elections every five years in which no one imagines that the vote will be free and fair or that an electoral defeat would result in Hun Sen leaving power.
In 1998, after government-manipulated elections, tens of thousands of protesters poured into Phnom Penh’s streets. In a Tahrir Square-style show of defiance, they set up a “Democracy Square” in a park and demanded a recount or new elections. Hun Sen ultimately sent in his shock troops and cleared the park. Western governments muttered their disapproval but did nothing. When Cambodians had their “Khmer Spring,” the world let them down.
At 59, Hun Sen is the youngest member of the 10,000 Club. He has said that he wants to rule until he is 80. After all the pious post-Arab Spring diplomatic talk about confronting dictatorships, Cambodians can be forgiven for asking why no one seems to be paying attention while Hun Sen begins work on his next 10,000 days.

10,000 Days of Hun Sen - NYTimes.com

100 NGOs open letter to World Bank: maintain lending freeze | Free the 15!

OPEN LETTER TO WORLD BANK PRESIDENT ROBERT ZOELLICK AND PRESIDENT-ELECT JIM YONG KIM
MAY 30, 2012
Dear President Zoellick and President-Elect Kim,
It has recently come to our attention that the World Bank is considering ending its suspension of new loans to the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC) and preparing an Interim Strategy Note to facilitate new lending. We, the undersigned organizations, write to express our deeply held view that, despite some positive developments regarding the Boeung Kak lake case, now is the wrong time to end the suspension. Doing so would not only risk undoing gains made, but would also send a dangerous message to the RGC in light of the spate of recent killings and unwarranted jailing of activists, including Boeung Kak community leaders. We believe that these appalling events call not for reward and the injection of more funds, but rather a coordinated and public condemnation by the international community, including the World Bank.
The past month has seen a series of shocking and inexcusable events in Cambodia. On April 26th, Chut Wutty, a tireless environmental activist was shot dead by armed forces after taking two journalists to a logging area in Koh Kong province. On May 16th, Heng Chantha, a 14-year old girl was killed by a soldier during a brutal forced eviction of a village in Kratie province.
On May 22nd female residents of Boeung Kak staged a peaceful demonstration on the sand dunes that cover what was once a village on the shores of the lake. The demonstration followed thwarted efforts by one family to demarcate the boundary of their home, which had been submerged in sand during the filling of the lake. Whilst singing about their plight, the protesters were surrounded by a mixed force of military police, anti-riot police and district guards, who used violence to break up the demonstration and then arrested 13 women, including a 72-year old. A video clip of these events is available at this link: http://www.licadho-cambodia.org/video.php?perm=31.
On May 24th the women were convicted by the Phnom Penh court on baseless charges of inciting others to take land illegally and obtaining land illegally. Seven of the women were sentenced to two years and six months in prison, five were sentenced to two years and the 72-year old woman, Nget Khun, was sentenced to a term of one year. During the trial, the police arrested two more Boeung Kak community representatives who were prepared to testify as witnesses for the 13 women on trial.
We respectfully appeal to you not to authorize re-engagement by the Bank with the RGC under these circumstances and to continue the suspension until a more strategic and judicious moment for engagement arises.
We regard the issuance of land titles to 631 Boeung Kak families earlier this year following the Prime Minister’s sub decree granting the remaining residents 12.44 hectares of land around the former lake as a significant human rights victory. We understand that the principled stand taken by the World Bank following the Inspection Panel’s findings of non-compliance with operational policies during the design and implementation of the Land Management and Administration Project played an integral part in achieving this outcome. We applaud the bold leadership of the President in this situation and consider this wise decision-making to have contributed in no small part to the legal security and piece of mind that these 631 Cambodian families now enjoy.
Yet, we remain deeply concerned about the 3500 Boeung Kak families, who had already reluctantly accepted the inadequate compensation package and left their lakeside homes under extreme duress, and who now suffer severe hardship trying to make ends meet each day. We are also concerned about the 94 families that have been excluded from the benefits of the Prime Minister’s sub decree and remain under the threat of forced eviction. Together these families represent an estimated 85 percent of all Boeung Kak residents who submitted the Request to the World Bank Inspection Panel.
We are aware that there may be some entry points for UN-HABITAT to support these displaced and excluded families. We urge the World Bank to take all possible action to facilitate this support, including through high-level dialogue with relevant agencies and provision of financing for remedial action. We also note that there may be other organizations in a position to operationalize aspects of the Bank Management’s January 2011 Action Plan, including financing measures that respond to the needs of tenure insecure and resettled communities from the Boeung Kak area (at para 76, Table 1). The Bank should not passively accept the lack of progress in supporting displaced and excluded groups to date as a fait accompli. Rather, it should proactively work to identify possible interlocutors to remedy harm done, and as Bank Management itself commits to do, “make every effort to implement the Action Plan” (at para 78). If necessary, this should entail the provision of unilateral Bank support to displaced families through a trust fund and administered through an NGO or other agency.
The community itself has appealed to you, President Zoellick, to ensure a fair resolution for the displaced and excluded families before the Bank provides any further financing to the RGC. The public statements made by Bank representatives in August 2011 have led the community to believe that this would be the case. We note that Country Director Annette Dixon stated at the time: “Until an agreement is reached with the residents of Boeung Kak Lake, we do not expect to provide any new lending to Cambodia.”
The World Bank lending freeze provided a powerful boost to the community’s five-year struggle, which has become an inspiration to marginalized communities throughout Cambodia facing dislocation from their homes, land and the natural resources that they depend upon for survival. We believe that re-engaging now, particularly following the unlawful arrest and imprisonment of Boeung Kak community leaders, would send a dangerous message of approval to the RGC and undermine the community’s hope that they will not be left alone in their stand against the powerful forces of injustice.
Commitments made by the World Bank, either privately or publically, should not be reneged upon, or else the credibility of the Bank and its commitment to its safeguard policies and contractual requirements on borrowers to respect them will be seriously undermined. Conversely, we believe that if the Bank maintains the freeze until a comprehensive agreement is reached with the Requesters, and the brave human rights defenders of Boeung Kak Lake are released from prison, it will contribute immeasurably to the twin long-term goals of a more just and equitable Cambodian society and a more accountable World Bank.
Sincerely,
1. Accountability Counsel – USA
2. ActionAid
3. Action for Environment and Community (AEC) – Cambodia
4. Affiliated Network for Social Accountability (ANSA)-EAP – Cambodia
5. AidWatch – Australia
6. Aksi – For Gender, Social and Ecological Justice – Indonesia
7. American Center for Labor Solidarity/American Federation of Labor – Congress of Industrial Organizations (ACILS/AFL-CIO) – Cambodia
8. Amnesty International Kenya – Kenya
9. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
10. Bank Information Center (BIC) – USA
11. Banteay Srei – Cambodia
12. Bretton Woods Project – UK
13. Building Community Voices (BCV) – Cambodia
14. Business and Community Foundation – India
15. Cambodia ASEAN Youth Future (CAM-ASEAN) – Cambodia
16. Cambodian Alliance of Trade Unions (CATU) – Cambodia
17. Cambodian Center for Human Rights – Cambodia
18. Cambodian Defenders Project – Cambodia
19. Cambodian Confederation of Unions (CCU) – Cambodia
20. Cambodian Independent Teachers’ Association (CITA) – Cambodia
21. Cambodian Indigenous Youth Association – Cambodia
22. Cambodian League For The Promotion And Defense Of Human Rights (LICADHO) – Cambodia
23. Cambodian Watchdog Council (CWC) – Cambodia
24. Castan Centre for Human Rights Law, Monash University – Australia
25. CENCA – Peru
26. Christian Aid – United Kingdom
27. Christians for Social Justice – Cambodia
28. Community Legal Education Center – Cambodia
29. Community Organization Information Network (CONET) – South Korea
30. Community Organization for People’s Action (COPA) – Thailand
31. Community Organization of the Philippines Enterprises Foundation (COPE) – Philippines
32. Community Organizations Practitioners Association (COPA) – Keyna
33. Community Organizers Multiversity (COM) – Philippines
34. Community Peace-building Network – Cambodia
35. CONAM – Brazil
36. Coophabitat – Dominican Republic
37. DanChurchAid – Denmark
38. Development and Peace – Canada
39. Diakonia – Sweden
40. Economic and Social Rights Centre – Kenya
41. Empowering Youth in Cambodia (EYC) – Cambodia
42. Equitable Cambodia – Cambodia
43. FEDVI – Argentina
44. Fener-Balat-Ayvnsaray (FEBAYDER) –Turkey
45. FIAN Germany – Germany
46. Focus on the Global South
47. Fongtil (The NGO Forum of Timor-Leste) – Timor Leste
48. Forum Syd – Sweden
49. Four Regions Slum Network (FRSN) – Thailand
50. FOVELIC – Peru
51. Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC) – Cambodia
52. Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
53. Haburas Foundation – Timor Leste
54. Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Germany
55. Housing and Land Rights Network – Habitat International Coalition (HIC)
56. Housing Rights Task Force – Cambodia
57. Human Rights Advocates
58. Human Rights Alert – India
59. Human Rights Law Centre – Australia
60. Human Settlement Foundation – Thailand
61. Inclusive Development International (IDI)
62. International Accountability Project (IAP)
63. International Alliance of Inhabitants (IAI)
64. Katuba Women’s Association (KWA) – Zambia
65. Khmer Ahimsa – Cambodia
66. KSI – Timor Leste
67. KSL-Public Art Laboratory – Turkey
68. Komitu Architects – Finland
69. La’o Hamutuk – Timor Leste
70. Leaders and Organizers of Community Organizations in Asia (LOCOA)
71. LICADHO Canada – Cambodia
72. Love146 – Cambodia
73. Mekong Watch – Japan
74. My Village – Cambodia
75. Norwegian People’s Aid – Norway
76. Oxfam
77. People’s Action for Change (PAC) – Cambodia
78. Phoenix Take Back the Night – USA
79. Philippine Alliance for Human Rights – Philippines
80. Planet Wheeler Foundation – Australia
81. Red aba Rai (The Land Network) – Timor Leste
82. Rainbow Community Kampuchea – Cambodia
83. Rwanda Women Network (RWN) – Rwanda
84. Sahmakum Teang Tnaut (STT) – Cambodia
85. Sawit Watch – Indonesia
86. Servants Cambodia – Cambodia
87. Shelter for the Poor – Bangladesh
88. Slum Women’s Initiative for Development – Uganda
89. Solidaritas Perempuan (Women’s Solidarity for Human Rights) – Indonesia
90. Southeast Asia Development Program (SADP) – Cambodia
91. Spaces for Change – Nigeria
92. Strey Khmer – Cambodia
93. Sulukule Platform – Turkey
94. Ukimbi – Finland
95. Urban Movements Istanbul – Turkey
96. Urban Poor Associates – Philippines
97. Urgewald – Germany
98. Validebag Volunteers – Turkey
99. Village Focus Cambodia – Cambodia
100. WITNESS

100 NGOs open letter to World Bank: maintain lending freeze | Free the 15!